Alaskans have the right to be secure in their persons, homes, and private communications. No state expansion of surveillance powers, data retention mandates, or warrantless monitoring is acceptable.

No government holds authority over your body — in ordinary times or declared emergencies. The state has no legitimate power to mandate any medical procedure, treatment, or vaccine. Emergency powers are where bodily autonomy faces the greatest threat; that is precisely when it must be defended most absolutely. Public health policy cannot be built on compulsion. Alaska’s constitution recognizes privacy as a fundamental right — it does not pause for a governor’s declaration.

The right to keep and bear arms is an individual right the state of Alaska shall not infringe. Gun registration requirements, magazine bans, and red flag laws that remove due process have no place in Alaska. In Fairbanks and the Interior, where wildlife encounters are real and law enforcement distances are long, the right to self-defense is a practical necessity. Alaska’s firearms preemption statute should ensure no municipality can exceed state law.

Every Alaskan has the right to make their own medical decisions, including refusing any treatment or vaccine. No state mandate should substitute government judgment for individual medical choice. Scope-of-practice restrictions on nurse practitioners and physician assistants protect established practitioners more than patients – especially punishing in communities hours from the nearest hospital. Those barriers should come down.

Alaska incarcerates too many people for offenses that harmed no one but themselves. Mandatory minimums for nonviolent drug offenses should be repealed. State officials who violate Alaskans’ constitutional rights should face civil accountability. Civil asset forfeiture must require a criminal conviction before property can be permanently seized.

Alaska adopted ranked-choice voting and open primaries because Alaskans were tired of choosing between two Outside parties’ preferred candidates. A 2024 repeal initiative failed by the narrowest margin in Alaska ballot history — 50.1% to 49.9%. A second repeal initiative is on the November 2026 ballot, backed by national party pressure that now includes a direct call from President Trump. Jonathan came to the Libertarian Party through a family rooted in the Alaska Independence Party, in a state with a documented history of third-party candidates winning real races. Fairbanks sent two Libertarians to the state house before ranked choice existed. Alaskans should determine their own electoral system — not national party machinery working to close primaries that shut out independent voters and third parties.

Alaska has significant state land holdings near Fairbanks and throughout the Tanana Valley that sit unused. Accelerating state land disposals would increase Interior housing supply. Residential construction permitting should be reformed. Protections against regulatory takings should be strengthened. New landlord-tenant mandates that reduce rental supply make housing less affordable, not more. Permitting decisions for residential construction should have statutory time limits — delays that become routine are delays that cost Alaskans housing.

No new state income tax, sales tax, or any new tax category on Alaska individuals or businesses. No state income tax and no sales tax are competitive advantages worth protecting. Budget shortfalls get solved through spending cuts — not new taxes on people already bearing some of the highest living costs in the country.

The PFD is not a government benefit — it is a return on Alaska’s collectively owned natural resources. Alaskans own the resource; the dividend is their property right. Every dollar the legislature diverts is a regressive tax — University of Alaska economist Matthew Berman called it “the most regressive tax ever proposed.” Cuts hit low-income families proportionally far harder because the PFD is a flat payment. ISER research shows PFD dollars carry a higher economic multiplier in private hands than in government: Alaskans spend significantly more on food, fuel, and local services the month the dividend arrives. The full statutory PFD formula should be restored. Any legislation using the Permanent Fund as a budget stabilizer is the wrong direction.

Alaska’s regulatory environment makes it harder to start a business, develop resources, and create jobs. Unnecessary occupational licensing requirements that serve established businesses more than the public should be eliminated. Licensing falls hardest on low-income Alaskans: fees, training hours, and exam costs are barriers people with financial cushion can absorb and people without cannot. Every unnecessary license is a “no entry” sign on a career path. When those barriers come down, more providers enter, competition increases, and prices fall across healthcare, construction, and childcare.

The legislature closes every budget gap by raiding the Permanent Fund instead of cutting spending. Alaska’s budget has grown to ~$14B total — $5B unrestricted general fund — on a ~$62B economy. A constitutional cap limiting state appropriations to 9% of Alaska’s GDP — roughly $5.6B at current economic output — is the right ceiling. Getting there requires zero-based budgeting: every agency justifies every dollar from scratch, not from last year’s baseline plus an increase. No budget should grow agency spending faster than GDP. The 9% cap requires a constitutional amendment — that process should begin.

People closest to a resource make better decisions about it than people managing it from the farthest distance. The Tanana River drainage is closed to Chinook and chum through December 31, 2026 — the third consecutive year of catastrophic returns — while jurisdiction bounces between a federal board and a state agency, neither accountable to the communities bearing the consequences. Affected communities documented a 70% increase in prediabetes and 50% increase in malnutrition. The Libertarian National Committee unanimously named Alaska’s subsistence crisis a present-day denial of self-determination. The Board of Fisheries should represent every user group — subsistence, commercial, sport, personal use. Alaska should comply with the federal law requiring rural subsistence priority. When stocks require restriction, subsistence comes first — these communities hold a prior claim that predates commercial licensing by generations.

Fairbanks has some of the highest heating fuel costs in the state. Interior families spend a disproportionate share of income keeping homes warm through winters that hit -40°F. Jonathan supports removing state regulatory barriers to energy competition, expediting permitting for cost-reducing infrastructure, ending state subsidies that maintain dependence on expensive fuel oil, and removing barriers to community heating fuel purchasing cooperatives.

Getting natural gas to Fairbanks and the Interior is the most direct path to lower energy costs. A pipeline spur from the North Slope, LNG trucking, or expanded small-scale delivery are all on the table. The permitting environment should accelerate this, not bury it in agency delays. A single-agency coordination approach with statutory deadlines is the right model.

The University of Alaska Fairbanks is one of the Interior’s most significant economic anchors. UAF funding should be tied to genuine academic outcomes and workforce preparation – not administrative expansion. A portion of the UA operating budget should be linked to measurable outcomes: in-state employment after graduation and research serving Alaska industries. Budget increases that fund administration over instruction should be opposed.

Fairbanks leans heavily on federal installations and state government employment – a foundation that can shift without warning. The legislature can shape conditions that attract private enterprise: occupational licensing reform, competitive tax and regulatory policy, and infrastructure spending tied to genuine economic need. On federal issues directly affecting the Interior – base missions at Eielson and Fort Wainwright, federal land use decisions, regulatory burdens on Interior businesses – the legislature can pass resolutions formally putting Alaska’s position before Congress. The state should fix what it controls and make clear to Washington what the Interior needs.

Parents — not the state — are the primary educators of their children. Alaska’s Interior has a strong tradition of family-directed education, including robust homeschool communities in areas where distance and weather limit school access. Funding should follow the student, not the institution. Homeschool allotment programs give families direct control over education dollars without institutional intermediaries. Administrative overhead that consumes education dollars before they reach classrooms should be cut. The Base Student Allocation should reflect what it actually costs to educate a child in Alaska — not what is convenient for the bureaucracy. Statewide curriculum mandates imposed without explicit legislative approval are unacceptable.