Alaskans have the right to be secure in their persons, homes, and private communications. No state expansion of surveillance powers, data retention mandates, or warrantless monitoring is acceptable.

No government holds authority over your body — in ordinary times or declared emergencies. The state has no legitimate power to mandate any medical procedure, treatment, or vaccine. Emergency powers are where bodily autonomy faces the greatest threat; that is precisely when it must be defended most absolutely. Public health policy cannot be built on compulsion. Alaska’s constitution recognizes privacy as a fundamental right — it does not pause for a governor’s declaration.

The right to keep and bear arms is an individual right the state of Alaska shall not infringe. Gun registration requirements, magazine bans, and red flag laws that strip due process have no place in Alaska. For rural District 29 communities where law enforcement response times are measured in hours, the right to self-defense is a survival reality. No municipality should impose firearms restrictions that exceed state law.

Every Alaskan has the right to make their own medical decisions — including refusing any treatment, procedure, or vaccine. No state mandate should substitute government judgment for a patient’s own. Expanding scope-of-practice for nurse practitioners and physician assistants and removing occupational licensing barriers would lower healthcare costs and expand access in underserved communities.

Alaska incarcerates too many people for offenses that harmed no one but themselves. Mandatory minimums for nonviolent drug offenses should be repealed. Civil asset forfeiture must require a criminal conviction before property can be permanently seized. State officials who violate Alaskans’ constitutional rights should face civil accountability.

Alaska has millions of acres of state land sitting idle near population centers. Accelerating state land disposals would increase housing supply. Residential construction permitting should be reformed. Regulatory takings — where state regulations reduce property value without just compensation — require stronger protections. New landlord-tenant mandates that restrict rental supply make housing less affordable, not more.

No new state income tax, sales tax, or any new tax category on Alaska individuals or businesses. No state income tax and no sales tax are competitive advantages worth protecting. Budget shortfalls get solved through spending cuts — not new taxes on people already bearing some of the highest living costs in the country.

The PFD is not a government benefit — it is a return on Alaska’s collectively owned natural resources. Alaskans own the resource; the dividend is their property right. Every dollar the legislature diverts is a regressive tax — University of Alaska economist Matthew Berman called it “the most regressive tax ever proposed.” Cuts hit low-income families proportionally far harder because the PFD is a flat payment. ISER research shows PFD dollars carry a higher economic multiplier in private hands than in government: Alaskans spend significantly more on food, fuel, and local services the month the dividend arrives. The full statutory PFD formula should be restored. Any legislation using the Permanent Fund as a budget stabilizer is the wrong direction.

Alaska’s regulatory environment makes it harder to start a business, develop resources, and build housing. Unnecessary occupational licensing requirements that protect incumbents at consumers’ expense should be eliminated. Licensing falls hardest on low-income Alaskans: fees, training hours, and exam costs are barriers people with financial cushion can absorb and people without cannot. Every unnecessary license is a “no entry” sign on a career path. When those barriers come down, more providers enter, competition increases, and prices fall across healthcare, construction, and childcare. Alaska’s cost of living is punishing enough without government friction that serves only to protect incumbents.

The legislature closes every budget gap by raiding the Permanent Fund instead of cutting spending. Alaska’s budget has grown to ~$14B total — $5B unrestricted general fund — on a ~$62B economy. A constitutional cap limiting state appropriations to 9% of Alaska’s GDP — roughly $5.6B at current economic output — is the right ceiling. Getting there requires zero-based budgeting: every agency justifies every dollar from scratch, not from last year’s baseline plus an increase. No budget should grow agency spending faster than GDP. The 9% cap requires a constitutional amendment — that process should begin.

Valdez sits at the heart of Prince William Sound, one of Alaska’s most productive commercial salmon fisheries — primarily pink, silver, and sockeye. Commercial fishers operating out of PWS have had limited power to shape Board of Fisheries decisions that govern their livelihoods. Board of Fisheries decisions should reflect all user groups — commercial fishers included. Alaska’s limited entry permit system is a government-granted monopoly: permits have become so expensive that new entrants are effectively locked out of the fishery. That is the opposite of a free market. Reducing barriers to entry and removing unnecessary regulatory friction on commercial operations is a core economic freedom issue.

People closest to a resource make better decisions about it than people managing it from the farthest distance. Alaska’s subsistence system inverts that principle: a federal board controls 228 million acres while the communities living on those waters bear the consequences. The Copper River is closed in 2026 — Chinook returns at 33,000, 27% below the ten-year average, a collapse dating to 2008. Katie John of Mentasta spent 22 years in federal court establishing jurisdiction over these navigable waters. The system she exposed still isn’t fixed. The Board of Fisheries should represent every user group — subsistence, commercial, sport, personal use. Alaska should comply with the federal law requiring rural subsistence priority. When stocks require restriction, subsistence comes first — these communities hold a prior claim that predates commercial licensing by generations.

District 29 has a stark energy divide. The western Mat-Su has natural gas infrastructure. Communities along the Glenn and Richardson — Chickaloon, Glennallen, Copper Center, Tazlina, Chitina — heat entirely on fuel oil at some of the highest per-BTU costs in Southcentral Alaska. State regulatory barriers to extending energy options into these corridors should come down. Private investment should be able to follow actual demand — what’s needed is for the state to get out of the way.

Alaska’s natural gas has been caught in political limbo for decades. Candice supports removing state regulatory barriers to LNG development, setting royalty and tax policy that attracts private investment, and ensuring revenues from production on state lands flow into the Permanent Fund. Where federal approvals are required – FERC, DOE export licenses, environmental reviews – Alaska’s position should be formally put before Congress and the relevant agencies.

Energy costs across much of District 29 remain among the highest in the state. Candice supports removing regulatory barriers to energy competition, ending state subsidies that prop up inefficient providers, and ensuring communities have real choices in energy supply.

District 29’s economy spans the Mat-Su agricultural corridor, Glenn and Richardson highway commerce, tourism tied to Wrangell-St. Elias and Denali, and resource industries employing people from Sutton to Copper Center. Regulations that make it harder to operate a business, develop land, or create jobs across this district are the wrong direction. State permitting decisions should have statutory deadlines. Administrative regulations more than ten years old should face automatic sunset review.

Parents — not the state — are the primary educators of their children. Funding should follow the student, not the institution. Homeschool allotment programs give families direct control over education dollars without institutional intermediaries. Administrative overhead that consumes education dollars before they reach classrooms should be cut. The Base Student Allocation should reflect what it actually costs to educate a child in Alaska — not what is convenient for the bureaucracy. Statewide curriculum mandates imposed without explicit legislative approval are unacceptable.